Friday,
June 2, 2000
Emily
Reed died two weeks ago, and I only heard Monday.
She rated
an obituary in the New York Times, and I took notice, since it
was subtitled "Librarian in ’59 Alabama Racial Dispute." As
director of the Alabama Public Library Service Division, which lent
books to libraries throughout the state, Reed chose to allow Garth
Williams’ The Rabbits’ Wedding onto her shelves. From those
shelves, the imagination could and did easily see the book pass into
the hands of children. Most of Alabama’s literate children were, of
course, white. And the book, which I have never read, features the
nuptials of a black and a white rabbit.
A
political uproar ensued over the perceived allegory of miscegenation.
After vile questioning from state senators about her beliefs
concerning integration, Reed left the state, presumably forever. She
worked in Washington, DC and Baltimore the rest of her life, and died
in a nursing home in Maryland.
Finishing
the obituary, I felt the kind of moral nausea that usually only comes
from profound personal shame at my own misdeeds. I was most disturbed
that Reed was chased away from this, my home state, and never
returned. Her rough interrogation at the hands of coarse, sweaty
bigots in seersucker was all too easy to picture. In her place, I
would have left, too.
But
fortunately or not, I was not alive yet and forced to confront the
question of emigration. Four years later, in Birmingham just a few
months before Martin Luther King wrote his letter from the city jail
there, I was born into a lower middle-class white family. I remained
totally unaware of integration’s chaos until my family, which had
moved to a nearly all-white suburb of Pittsburgh in 1967, moved back
to Alabama in 1972. I now had black class mates and didn’t know how
to react around them, but had already figured out that you were
supposed to react. You couldn’t just be around them, you had to have
a conscious attitude. I was a white Southerner, all right. Five years
in northern suburbs had changed nothing.
That fall
of 1972, my older brother made a black friend in our rural school and
asked him to visit our dilapidated farm house. The friend never came.
He was afraid we would shoot him. If a nine-year-old could laugh in
scorn, I would have. I knew my family didn’t shoot people. But I
still didn’t have any idea what my brother’s friend, or Emily
Reed, or a million black Alabamians, or hundreds of thousands of
loving white Alabamians had suffered, were suffering, for their
support of the basic principles of kindness and charity.
Slowly,
the poison surrounding me seeped into my system. I only know it now,
when occasions like Emily Reed’s death force me to reflect on my
past and the culture that became part of my character. In school, I
never had black friends and would have thought it odd or uncool if I
had. In my teens, I could laugh thoughtlessly and then pass on jokes
told at the expense of blacks. It means nothing to say that I was
young, didn’t know any better, and appear to have changed for the
better. The damage is still there, as surely as if I had eaten lead
paint chips off the school walls.
Now,
decades later, I am a historian of modern Germany. I have made the
study of its reconstruction after World War II the focus of my
research. Lately, that has meant working through the records of dozens
of Emily Reed-like incidents, witnessing Germans forced to deal with
the racism in their past, trying to decide what it means and whether
it’s still with them. For me, it’s very easy to see the Germans
avoiding, repressing, twisting, writhing. If a German runs across
these words, I’m sure she or he will, with a touch of Schadenfreude,
enjoy seeing me do the same.
Unlike
Germany, where it’s illegal to be too overt in one’s support of
the racist past, we have our die-hard Confederates. Not believing Lee
surrendered, they fight in his stead over a flag he probably didn’t
spend too much time worrying about. The flag’s supporters are a poor
and pathetic remnant of once-formidable public opposition to the idea
of unity based on respect for diversity. They are a sorry fringe
element, as the power brokers who used to wage the struggle in public
now, maybe even mostly unaware, fight in private.
Around
here the struggle against unity takes its most insidious form in the
desertion of the public schools. Most children whose parents can
afford private schools go there; many of their parents and a vast
majority of the other whites habitually veto property tax increases
designed to save the public ones. Without the encouragement of a
decent school, only the most heroic young blacks will manage to
overcome centuries of economic history stacked against them. Really,
who can expect every black child to be such a hero, or condemn those
who fail to find the necessary courage?
I imagine
Emily Reed having grown tired of the struggle, tired of what the
Germans call the Ewiggestrigen, those incorrigibles who defend
a past long beyond any defense, who extol one or two extenuating
circumstances about a society that was and is shot through with the
worst that humanity has to offer. Like Reed, I may just leave. But, at
least for a while and maybe forever, I am going to stay here, teach
about the Germans, and hope my questions about their past don’t make
me an irredeemable hypocrite.
Dan
Rogers lives and teaches in Mobile, Alabama.